top of page

NONTHEMATIC / Vol. 16, No. 2 (Summer 1949)

In the short range Calhoun made a crucial mistake: what he took to be the signs of an acute and growing division between capital and labor were merely the birth pangs of a rapid and fertile growth of capitalist enterprise. During this period the North expanded rapidly into the western territories, and the South slowly lost ground in the federal government. Although there were northern sympathizers of the south in both major parties, there was nothing like the total sympathy of northern conservatives that Calhoun had hoped for, nor was there any solution of the sectional antagonism over the tariff. There was always the danger that some day the South, outnumbered in Congress, and exploited by the northern tariff, northern banks, and northern carriers of her commerce, might be so completely overshadowed in the Union that a constitutional emancipation amendment would be possible.

A free-trade area means a group of countries in which duties and other trade restrictions are eliminated on the trade of products originating in member countries. Thus the European countries would agree to establish "reciprocal free trade without a customs union." Each country would pledge itself to admit free of duties and restrictions the goods produced in the other participating countries. Under such a system each country has its own tariff and decides on changes of customs duties and other controls that apply to commodities imported from countries outside the area.

The end of the mercantilist era is presumed to have eliminated the retarding influences of state interference and to have provided free play for the nineteenth-century process of expansion by rapid capital accumulation. Close scrutiny of actual events, however, indicates that there was not that complete absence of state intervention, at least in the early transitional stage. It will be shown in this paper that the first steps toward industrialization were assisted and, indeed, often initiated by government at various times between 1775 and 1850. Limitation of space precludes a detailed survey of the initial industrial development of all the various nations. Only Mexico, therefore, will be presented as a case study, with particular stress on the relative importance of private initiative and government assistance.

One is said to retain all one’s childhood experiences in memory, but since most of them are below the threshold of awareness and emerge only under certain conditions, the situation remains that of a person now being one thing, now another. We die and are resurrected from week to week, sometimes from day to day. But the resurrected soul is not the soul who is dying. To have died and been reborn is a new experience. The reality of time then would seem to imply the acceptance of death, the death not only of peoples and cultures and nations, but also of works of art. A dead language is a language which no one can speak or read. A dead work of art is one which no one can interpret.

Like the British Labor government, party, and movement, with which they are often compared, the Australian and New Zealand Labor governments, parties, and movements draw their membership and financial strength overwhelmingly from the trade union movement. None of these entities, however, may be said to adhere to a "pure" philosophy. Unlike a number of prewar Continental movements, which originated as essentially political movements and subsequently established trade unions as actionist arms, the British, Australian, and New Zealand labor movements show quite a different pattern of organization and growth. In each of these countries, the political parties developed out of the trade union movements.

In 1898 the then Commissioner of the United States Immigration and Naturalization Service ordered that a record be kept of each immigrant’s race and religion, in addition to his country of birth, country of last rest residence, and country of citizenship. In order to standardize the categories, and probably also in order to avoid ethnographic controversies, the Commissioner issued a check list of fifty different 'races' ranging from African to West Indian. The list underwent only minor changes until 1937 when the Mexicans were stricken from it; in 1943, the Hebrews were removed. Thus, for some years, two groups, who at times have constituted more than a fourth of our immigrants, have not appeared in our immigration statistics. And thereby hangs a tale which leads to a consideration of certain statistical, ethnographic, and political properties.

Few men would take exception to the statement that in settling human conflicts reason is preferable to sheer violence. Unfortunately, most contemporary discussions, instead of starting from this common ground, are apt to end there. The simple alternative--sweet persuasion or brute force--does not represent a complete classification, nor are its terms as plain and univocal as the popular formula suggests. Hence the barrenness and unreality of much that has been written lately on cause of and remedies for strife--arguments that usually satisfy only those already convinced. In order to gain former ground the following pages undertake to outline a general theory of conflict solutions, which is based on a systematic survey of the various possible ways of behaving in conflict situations.

Review of book by Summer H. Slichter. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. 1948. 214 pp.

Review of book by Melvin Warren Reder. New York: Columbia University Press. 1947. 208 pp.

Review of book by E. M. Winslow. New York: Columbia University Press. 1948. 278 pp.

Review of book by Lynn T. Smith. Revised Edition. New York: Harper. 1947. 634 pp.

Review of book by Max Weber. Translated by A. M. Henderson and Talcott Parsons. New York: Oxford University Press. 1947. 429 pp.

Review of book by Bronislaw Malinowski. Boston: Beacon Press. 1948. 327 pp.

Review of book by Romano Guardini. Sammlung Uberlieferung und Auftrag; Reihe Probleme und Hinweise, vol. 1. Berne: A. Francke. 1945. 241 pp.

bottom of page