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GENDER POLITICS AND PUBLIC POLICIES / Vol. 58, No. 3 (Fall 1991)

Arien Mack, Editor

This article analyzes the first two chapters of the manuscript Money and Currency by Joseph A. Schumpeter. Schumpeter's main purpose in writing Money and Currency was to develop a new theory of money, as he had created a novel theory of economic change in The Theory of Economic Development. Schumpeter, however, was never able to complete the manuscript to his satisfaction, and he therefore did not want to publish it. In 1970, when a German edition appeared, it passed nearly unnoticed. It was commented upon only by a small number of economists, and in their opinion, Schumpeter's monetary theory from the 1930s had little, if anything, to add to the economics literature.

This article presents a feminist construction of sovereignty, national identity, and the will to sacrifice. Mother and mother's milk serve as foundations for civic-spiritedness and willingness to die. Just as the adult man who lacks respect for his mother is a wretch, a monster unworthy of seeing the light of day, so the citizen who does not love and adore his country, and everyday feels the eyes of his fellow countrymen upon him every moment, is no real citizen. The authentic citizen is dependent upon public esteem as to be unable to do anything, acquire anything, or achieve anything without it. And creating such citizens is the primal and primary female civic task.

This article presents a cultural interpretation of the right to national self-determination. The right to national self-determination has often been at the crux of the modern political debate, but theoretical analyses of this right are few and far between. Most of this analysis has been the work of international lawyers and is therefore highly influenced by legal and political precedent. It is argued that at the core of the right to national self-determination, lies a cultural rather than a political claim. The right to national self-determination is the right of a nation to preserve its existence as a unique social group.

This article discusses the relocation and redefinition of charismatic propensity in the early modern era. Over the past few years and partially in response to a growing critique of modernity as a specific civilizational form, many works have appeared dealing with the intellectual and cultural roots of modernity in the Western European and transatlantic contexts. The most significant of these works have dealt with the emergence of the individual as an autonomous moral entity, with a politics based on the premises of reason and equality and with the cultural condition of a social order devoid of any transcendental matrix.

This article introduces the papers comprising the following section on Gender Politics and Public Policies.

This article analyzes ways in which the Australian women's movement affected the social-policy bargain concerning support for sole parents and the process by which that bargain has been and continues to be negotiated. It is suggested that the women's movement has transformed the bargaining process in two ways. First, the ideology of women's liberation alters the traditional conceptions of women's roles and autonomy and, thus, affects the terms acceptable to various parties. Second, the women's movement brings new organizational resources to bear on the bargaining process and, thus, improves the bargaining power of sole parents.

This article examines the contradictions of the social construction of nurturance for American women activists on both sides of the abortion debate. Female activists who attempt to create changes in popular understanding of gender frequently are caught within a contradiction: to establish their own political legitimacy, they must work within the terms of the very constructions of gender that they are trying to alter. In the US, this situation has played itself out in a particular way due to the powerful cultural association of femininity, kinship, and reproduction with nurturance.

This article looks at the role of women and women's politics in the welfare policy-making process in Sweden. From a gender-equality perspective, the conditions of men and women must be seen in one and the same context in other countries and other times. There are four Swedish public policies from initiative or demand to outcome-- parental insurance (1974), the abortion law (1975), the Equal Opportunities Act (1980), and the question of sex quotas in the investigation Every Other Seat for a Woman (1987).


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