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NONTHEMATIC / Vol. 35, No. 3 (Fall 1968)

Anyone who examines the political economies of the Western world during the past century and a half is bound to be struck by a broad pattern of change, almost a Toynbean advance-and-retreat, observable in all of them. This is the extraordinary expansion of the realm of business within society for the first hundred or so years of the period, followed during the last fifty-odd years by an equally striking growth of the realm of government.

Often cited as evidence of a tragic Athenian decline from earlier Periclean heights, the Melian Debate in Thucydides has been regarded as a moral victory for the Melian negotiators. Athenian probity in the Melian Debate has often met with opprobrium, while the Melians have been lauded as martyrs for justice.

Any explanation of Oliver Cromwell’s role during the English Revolution should include differing political attitudes. In fact, modern biographers and historians have described him as a “reluctant revolutionary,” and as a “conservative dictator.” Their studies maintain that Cromwell did not approach the crisis of the English Revolution with a preconceived design although he did set about to transform government and society.

This paper constitutes a part of the comprehensive report dealing with the Grimm Brothers’ fairy tales. The Grimms had begun to collect these from a number of informants and literary sources in 1805, when Napoleon had invaded Germany, and when, as a result, a good many Germans had become concerned with problems of national as well as cultural autonomy.

There are two approaches in the social sciences which have developed in recent years, one in anthropology called ethnoscience, the other in sociology called ethnomethodology. Both have the potential for making a great impact on research in anthropology and sociology. In this paper, I would like to examine these approaches, show some of the similarities and differences between them, comment on their significance, and indicate their relation to phenomenological approaches.

It has become a contemporary commonplace that the changes being wrought by modern technology are presenting significant new challenges to man -to his rationality, his morality, his conceptions of the good. But it is becoming equally apparent that these changes also pose new problems for the disciplines engaged in tracking their course. The “post-industrial society” is simultaneously presenting social science with a new public policy involvement and with the need for new conceptual structures.

Economic development and social mobility are two interdependent phenomena. However, it must be recognized that the relationship is not necessary. There is evidence that points out a low association between them. S. M. Miller and H. Bryce found non-significant correlations when they used some indicators of economic development; the only substantive relationship found was with national income. On the other hand, there is some evidence pointing out that in the early stages of economic growth in a developing country, an increase in the level of development, i.e. a rapid rate of industrialization, means a decrease in middle strata that are absorbed by urban manual strata.

Review of book by Paul Ricoeur. Translated by Erazim V. Kohak. Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1966. 498 pp.

Review of book by Eric H. Lenneberg] New York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1967.

[Review of book by Hortense Powdermaker] New York: w.W. Norton and Co., 1966.

Review of book by T. K. N. Unnithan, Yogendra Singh, Narendra Singhi, and Indra Deva. New Delhi: Prentice-Hall of India Private Limited, 1967. 219 pp.

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