Ideological Bias in Psychology
Volume 45 No. 3 (Autumn 1978)

Arien Mack, Editor
Joseph Adelson, Guest Editor


Table of Contents Notes on Contributors Ordering information


The Slippery Slope

Here is Catharine Stimpson, editor of Signs, a fine journal devoted to women's studies, defending the level of scholarship and research in that field. She says that it is "as good as anything going," and then adds: "Sometimes it may be flawed by advocacy. But less so than people think. When there is advocacy it is easily discernible and it is there for good ends. Some of the research priorities are set by the politics of the women's movement, but that is all right as long as you're neither corrupt nor deceitful about what you are doing."

That is the voice of someone protesting too much: yes, there is some advocacy, but not much, and anyway it's easy to spot, and besides which, it is there for good ends, and furthermore, you don't really mean to imply that we are corrupt or deceitful, do you? Lawyers call it alternative pleading: Your honor, my client didn't do it, and even if he did, it was an accident, and the plaintiff really wasn't hurt very much, and besides which he had it coming to him. All of us can, I think, enter that sort of plea for ourselves--our advocacy is always visible, modest, and good-hearted, neither corrupt nor deceitful.


To put it another way: Professor Stimpson's apparent ingenuousness of tone may have to do with the fact that she is standing on a slippery slope and is trying not to look down. Many of us are on that slope; one gets there by addressing "relevant" or value-laden topics, and one must thereupon learn to keep one's footing, by which I mean one's objectivity, or, if not that, the earnest striving for it. Though I think Professor Stimpson is mistaken in her belief that it is easy to do so, I must admire her continuing belief in the effort itself, for if she were to look down that slope she would find others at the bottom who have given up the effort entirely.


At the last convention of the Association of Women in Psychology, an invited speaker, Judith Laws of Cornell, distinguished between feminist scholarship and the norms of objec
tivity and merit, characterized as male. In a keynote address at the same conference, Sandra Bem of Stanford made plain what some readers of her work had always suspected--that it was advocacy in the trappings of science. Her work on androgyny, she said, is "in the service of my feminist goals." She argues that this is not merely acceptable but conventional: "We all choose our questions and generate hypotheses in a social context. We all have values." Indeed, she commended her own candor: "In my case, the values were explicit rather than implicit, making it easier to guard against their doing any harm."

Professor Bem would appear to believe that her frankness, together with a willingness to abide by certain conventions of scientific discourse, will suffice to keep her work credible. It is not as simple as that. The doing of science and scholarship requires--in practice--a determined tentativeness of conviction, a willingness to suspend belief in the face of disconfirming evidence. That is hard enough to achieve even in areas where values are not significant; given the imperiousness of the political passions, one would question whether data collected in the service of belief can long resist its intrusion. This seems particularly unlikely in the soft areas of psychology, where the opportunities for conviction to work its mischief on evidence are almost endless. How does one label that trait--spontaneous or impulsive, well organized or rigid? Which among several possible statistical tests ought one to employ? What does one do about the anomalous or ambiguous findings all social research seems to uncover--dismiss it as "noise" or pursue it as a potentially valuable lead? And so on--there is almost no limit to the ways in which one's predispositions can influence what one finds. That the problem is by no means hypothetical will be evident if you read on in this issue, where you will find some depressing documentation of how values can so corrupt evidence as to make certain bodies of research suspect, if not entirely worthless.

What is most troubling is what unexamined or insouciant bias does to social science as, so to speak, a corporate enterprise. It is all well and good to carry on about masculine versus feminine scholarship (or Marxist versus capitalist, or black versus white); or to announce complacently that one's research is an instrument of one's political will; or to mock the notion of disinterested scholarship. But as these positions are
more frequently taken, and come to be seen as chic, vanguard, and sophisticated, the atmosphere changes, and something begins to happen to the idea of social science itself. We begin to be doubted, and to doubt each other, and to doubt ourselves. We begin to be regarded differently, and to regard ourselves differently.

Another way of putting this is to say that we are beginning to drain our moral capital. I borrow that phrase from a chapter in Gertrude Himmelfarb's brilliant analysis of Mill's On Liberty, in which she demonstrates that his expansive views on freedom of action depended on the common conviction that men would continue to exercise self-restraint:

The radical extension of liberty, which gave the same status to individuality of behavior as to freedom of opinion, was possible only because most people were reasonably certain that individuality would not be abused, that men would continue to conduct themselves as they had always done. The moral capital amassed by generations of high-minded and well-behaved Englishmen gave them an illusion of security .... They did not expect any great departures from customary codes of conduct.

This collection had its origin in the anxiety that our own moral capital, as social researchers, has begun to dwindle. Granted that we are quite willing to entertain the idea that little of our research is or can be entirely free of value; granted that we unwittingly allow our preferences to influence our judgments; granted that we must accept bias as unfortunate but inevitable--nevertheless we have accepted those ideas only up to a point. We have not seriously expected a general loss of scientific self-restraint; we have expected the scientific superego to survive. But a number of personal experiences led me to feel that political and ideological interests were increasingly in the forefront, and even out of control. A woman colleague told me of the incredibly abusive treatment she received at a meeting because her ideas were insufficiently "feminist"; I reviewed a manuscript submitted to a publisher, on an ideological topic, and found that evidence confuting the author's thesis had been buried in the appendices; I found the atmosphere at a presumably scientific meeting almost raucous, the audience there largely to display its own self-righteousness and indignation. In time these experiences led to conversations with colleagues, in which it became abundantly clear that my apprehensions were widely shared. One or two friends
thought it either impolitic or impolite to phrase the problems in terms of "bias," preferring to see it as "bad science" or "poor scholarship." But I talked to no one who did not agree that there had been a serious erosion of probity in recent years, both at public meetings and in published research.

Hence this issue, which brings together a number of essays in which scholars examine ideological influence in the research and practice of psychology. From the outset I thought it best to exclude two general categories: first, papers dealing with heredity and environment and its many derivatives--racial differences, intelligence and genetics, sociobiology. These topics have received so much attention during the past decade that it seemed unlikely one could find manuscripts which could add anything new. Second--and somewhat reluctantly--I decided not to seek papers which dealt solely
with the intriguing philosophical questions involved in ideological bias. Here again it seemed uncertain that I could uncover novel or unfamiliar lines of argument.

What was left is almost everything else, and almost everything else--in psychology and surrounding it--is potential grist for our mill, to judge by the amazing variety of suggestions received on topics to include. Among the most frequently mentioned were those discussed in the essays which follow: the popular psychotherapies, the tacit assumptions they base themselves on, and the functions they serve; the ideological conflicts inherent in the research on day care; the biases in social psychology, and especially in the theory of moral development; the studies of personality and political orientation. Other topics frequently suggested--such as sex differences and sex roles--will, I hope, be treated in an expanded version of this issue to be published in book form. Yet the intention of this assemblage is not to "cover" all possible topics; rather it is to penetrate to the workings of bias by a close and detailed examination of representative issues. No particular format was proposed to the authors, and the reader will find these papers remarkably varied in style, ranging from the personal essay to the monographic study. Nor were strict page limits set, the writers being urged to treat the topics in the degree of amplitude they thought necessary. They were asked to avoid jargon, to write for a scholarly but not specialized audience; and the reader will discover these papers to be lively and accessible. He will also find that taken together they offer an unusual portrait of contemporary psychology, and not a very reassuring one. Those who come to this problem as I did initially--troubled, but only vaguely, intuitively, impressionistically---may find themselves deeply perturbed by what these papers suggest, that the spirit of tendentiousness, once occasional and naive, is now pervasive and willful, a force to be reckoned with.


Joseph Adelson
Guest Editor

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