| The
Slippery Slope
Here is
Catharine Stimpson, editor of Signs,
a fine journal devoted to women's studies, defending the level of
scholarship and research in that field. She says that it is "as good as
anything going," and then adds: "Sometimes it may be flawed by
advocacy. But less so than people think. When there is advocacy it is
easily discernible and it is there for good ends. Some of the research
priorities are set by the politics of the women's movement, but that is
all right as long as you're neither corrupt nor deceitful about what
you are doing."
That is the voice of someone protesting too much: yes, there is some
advocacy, but not much, and anyway it's easy to spot, and besides
which, it is there for good ends, and furthermore, you don't really
mean to imply that we are corrupt or deceitful, do you? Lawyers call it
alternative pleading: Your honor, my client didn't do it, and even if
he did, it was an accident, and the plaintiff really wasn't hurt very
much, and besides which he had it coming to him. All of us can, I
think, enter that sort of plea for ourselves--our advocacy is always visible,
modest, and good-hearted, neither corrupt nor deceitful.
To put it another way: Professor Stimpson's apparent ingenuousness of
tone may have to do with the fact that she is standing on a slippery
slope and is trying not to look down. Many of us are on that slope; one
gets there by addressing "relevant" or value-laden topics, and one must
thereupon learn to keep one's footing, by which I mean one's
objectivity, or, if not that, the earnest striving for it. Though I
think Professor Stimpson is mistaken in her belief that it is easy to
do so, I must admire her continuing belief in the effort itself, for if
she were to look down that slope she would find others at the bottom
who have given up the effort entirely.
At the last convention of the Association of Women in Psychology, an
invited speaker, Judith Laws of Cornell, distinguished between feminist
scholarship and the norms of objectivity and merit, characterized as male.
In a keynote address at the same conference, Sandra Bem of Stanford
made plain what some readers of her work had always suspected--that it
was advocacy in the trappings of science. Her work on androgyny, she
said, is "in the service of my feminist goals." She argues that this is
not merely acceptable but conventional: "We all choose our questions
and generate hypotheses in a social context. We all have values."
Indeed, she commended her own candor: "In my case, the values were
explicit rather than implicit, making it easier to guard against their
doing any harm."
Professor
Bem would appear to believe that her frankness, together with a
willingness to abide by certain conventions of scientific discourse,
will suffice to keep her work credible. It is not as simple as that. The doing of
science and scholarship requires--in practice--a determined
tentativeness of conviction, a willingness to suspend belief in the
face of disconfirming evidence. That is hard enough to achieve even in
areas where values are not significant; given the imperiousness of the
political passions, one would question whether data collected in the
service of belief can long resist its intrusion. This seems
particularly unlikely in the soft areas of psychology, where the
opportunities for conviction to work its mischief on evidence are
almost endless. How does one label that trait--spontaneous or
impulsive, well organized or rigid? Which among several possible
statistical tests ought one to employ? What does one do about the
anomalous or ambiguous findings all social research seems to
uncover--dismiss it as "noise" or pursue it as a potentially valuable
lead? And so on--there is almost no limit to the ways in which
one's predispositions can influence what one finds. That the problem is
by no means hypothetical will be evident if you read on in this issue,
where you will find some depressing documentation of how values can so
corrupt evidence as to make certain bodies of research suspect, if not
entirely worthless.
What is most troubling is what unexamined or insouciant bias does to
social science as, so to speak, a corporate enterprise. It is all well
and good to carry on about masculine versus feminine scholarship (or
Marxist versus capitalist, or black versus white); or to announce
complacently that one's research is an instrument of one's political
will; or to mock the notion of disinterested scholarship. But as these
positions are more frequently taken, and come to be
seen as chic, vanguard, and sophisticated, the atmosphere changes, and
something begins to happen to the idea of social science itself. We
begin to be doubted, and to doubt each other, and to doubt ourselves.
We begin to be regarded differently, and to regard ourselves
differently.
Another way of putting this is to say that we are beginning to drain
our moral capital. I borrow that phrase from a chapter in Gertrude
Himmelfarb's brilliant analysis of Mill's On Liberty, in which she
demonstrates that his expansive views on freedom of action depended on
the common conviction that men would continue to exercise
self-restraint:
The radical extension of liberty, which
gave the same status to individuality of behavior as to freedom of
opinion, was possible only because most people were reasonably certain
that individuality would not be abused, that men would continue to
conduct themselves as they had always done. The moral capital amassed
by generations of high-minded and well-behaved Englishmen gave them an
illusion of security .... They did not expect any great departures from
customary codes of conduct.
This
collection had its origin in the anxiety that our own moral capital, as
social researchers, has begun to dwindle. Granted that we are quite
willing to entertain the idea that little of our research is or can be
entirely free of value; granted that we unwittingly allow our
preferences to influence our judgments; granted that we must accept
bias as unfortunate but inevitable--nevertheless we have accepted those
ideas only up to a point. We have not seriously expected a general loss
of scientific self-restraint; we have expected the scientific superego
to survive. But a number of personal experiences led me to feel that
political and ideological interests were increasingly in the forefront,
and even out of control. A woman colleague told me of the incredibly
abusive treatment she received at a meeting because her ideas were
insufficiently "feminist"; I reviewed a manuscript submitted to a
publisher, on an ideological topic, and found that evidence confuting
the author's thesis had been
buried in the appendices; I found the atmosphere at a presumably
scientific meeting almost raucous, the audience there largely to
display its own self-righteousness and indignation. In time these
experiences led to conversations with colleagues, in which it became
abundantly clear that my apprehensions were widely shared. One or two
friends
thought it either impolitic
or impolite to phrase the problems in terms of "bias," preferring to
see it as "bad science" or "poor scholarship." But I talked to no one
who did not agree that there had been a serious erosion of probity in
recent years, both at public meetings and in published research.
Hence this issue, which brings together a number of essays in which
scholars examine ideological influence in the research and practice of
psychology. From the outset I thought it best to exclude two general
categories: first, papers dealing with heredity and environment and its
many derivatives--racial differences, intelligence and genetics,
sociobiology. These topics have received so much attention during the
past decade that it seemed unlikely one could find manuscripts which
could add anything new. Second--and somewhat reluctantly--I decided not
to seek papers which dealt solely with the intriguing philosophical
questions involved in ideological bias. Here again it seemed uncertain
that I could uncover novel or unfamiliar lines of argument.
What was left is almost everything else, and almost everything else--in
psychology and surrounding it--is potential grist for our mill, to
judge by the amazing variety of suggestions received on topics to
include. Among the most frequently mentioned were those discussed in
the essays which follow: the popular psychotherapies, the tacit
assumptions they base themselves on, and the functions they serve; the
ideological conflicts inherent in the research on day care; the biases
in social psychology, and especially in the theory of moral
development; the studies of personality and political orientation.
Other topics frequently suggested--such as sex differences and sex
roles--will, I hope, be treated in an expanded version of this issue to
be published in book form. Yet the intention of this assemblage is not
to "cover" all possible topics; rather it is to penetrate to the
workings of bias by a close and detailed examination of representative
issues. No particular format was proposed to the authors, and the
reader will find these papers remarkably varied in style, ranging from
the personal essay to the monographic study. Nor were strict page
limits set, the writers being urged to treat the topics in the degree
of amplitude they thought necessary. They were asked to avoid jargon,
to write for a scholarly but not specialized audience; and the reader
will discover these papers to be lively and accessible. He will also
find that taken together they offer an unusual portrait of contemporary
psychology, and not a very reassuring one. Those who come to this
problem as I did initially--troubled, but only vaguely, intuitively,
impressionistically---may find themselves deeply perturbed by what
these papers suggest, that the spirit of tendentiousness, once
occasional and naive, is now pervasive and willful, a force to be
reckoned with.
Joseph Adelson
Guest Editor
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